As part of our Inside Conflict initiative, TransConflict Serbia organised a study-visit to Banja Luka for a group of American students participating in the SIT Study Abroad Programme – Peace and Conflict Studies in the Balkans.
While the EU is closing the final chapters of the accession negotiations with Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro are keenly eyeing the prospect of becoming member candidates. However, can the EU integrate the whole region, including Kosovo and Bosnia?
The inability of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political system to represent Croat interests will bring the stricken country to its knees – and provide useful cover for the Bosnian Serb leader’s plans.
Whilst business-related initiatives continue to drive regional and cross-border cooperation, politics and implementation capacity have failed to live-up to the standards expected by the plethora of international bodies engaged in strengthening this key area.
Settlements in Bosnia and Kosovo (the former is no more “settled” than the latter) are possible only if local contestants — who know each other so well — expel international mavens from their discussions and take each other on directly.
Rešenja u Bosni i na Kosovu (prvi slučaj nije ništa više "rešen" u odnosu na potonji) su moguća samo ukoliko lokalni suprostavljeni akteri - koji se uzajamno jako dobro poznaju - iz svojih diskusija izbace međunarodne stručnjake i direktno se upuste u diskusiju jedni sa drugima.
Critics of Richard Holbrooke and the Dayton Peace Agreement are completely wrong - it was not Dayton that ethnically divided Bosnian politics and society, but rather that Bosnia's divided society and politics resulted in Dayton.
Kritičari Ričarda Holbruka i Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma u potpunosti greše – nije Dejton ono što je etnički podelilo bosansku politiku i društvo, već su bosansko podeljeno društvo i suprostavljena politika doveli do Dejtona.