TransConflict is pleased to present the fifth part of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Independence and the Fate of Minorities (1991-1992).”
Archive for category: Kosovo
With elections in Serbia slated for 16 March, for the EU parliament in May and Kosovo in autumn, northern Kosovo will be left in a dangerous limbo, without clarity about which laws apply and with the danger that the progress made in normalising relations could be reversed.
TransConflict is pleased to present the fourth part of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Independence and the Fate of Minorities (1991-1992).”
To preserve the chances of a peaceful transition in north Kosovo, everyone will have to accept compromise and avoid seeking to take advantage of what would be a fragile and delicate balance of interests.
TransConflict is pleased to present the second part of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Independence and the Fate of Minorities (1991-1992).”
Despite the fact that the Brussels Agreement and the November election is a first step towards the bridging of differences between Kosovo on the one hand and Kosovo Serbs and Serbia on the other, the process of integration of Serbs into the Kosovan system will require time, good will on all sides […]
TransConflict is pleased to present additional reflections on Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies – its purpose, importance and approach – by two participants in the Scholars´ Initiative.
TransConflict is piloting a new initiative which lays the foundations for collaborative conflict transformation by facilitating the sharing of perspectives on specific conflicts. The latest case study launched explores conflict in Kosovo.
The sad history of Kosovo under autonomy should be fair enough warning to those who would reignite ethnic hostilities that have fortunately declined markedly from their peak. May they continue to do so, for the sake of both Albanians and Serbs.
A way should be found to ensure Mayor-elect, Krstimir Pantic, can take his place without further delay, whilst the Quint should make clear to Pristina that it will not allow efforts to delay or derail implementation. This new opportunity to move forward with peaceful change could yet be lost.
Reaching the point of enabling some degree of normality in the north and between local and central institutions in Kosovo and Serbia will be a significant achievement and an important step toward political stability in this part of the Balkans.
The EU – with US support – has helped broker a framework that puts the current frozen conflict between Serbia and Kosovo onto a path that may eventually allow further mutual accommodation. But this opportunity could be lost if any of the parties try to move too quickly.
Immediately after the December 1st run-off, Pristina, Belgrade and the international community should translate the famous concept of integration into measurable and tangible benefits for the north.
The municipal elections in Kosovo on were not really local, and come down to two very different stories depending on whether one looks at the Serb-held northern region or the rest of the country. These were not ordinary elections: they were meant to mark a peaceful transfer of power over […]
When the election is run again, it will hopefully take place with adequate EULEX presence and with UN as well as OSCE observation. Whatever the outcome, the EU, US and NATO should resist pressures from Pristina to simply “take over” and impose its rule in the north.
Detaching membership – for both Serbia and Kosovo – from finding an immediate solution to the Kosovo issue might help everyone move forward with a greater sense of security and an openness to cooperation.
The Balkans, in general, and Kosovo, in particular, will not come to terms with the past without real political determination and recognition. The process of reconciliation cannot be taken as a separate process in Kosovo, since the legacies of the armed conflict affected all countries in the Former Yugoslavia, and […]
This paper aims to assist all stakeholders to the Brussels Agreement to work effectively toward a positive outcome in northern Kosovo (as differently as this outcome may be assessed by each of them), but also to prepare for contingencies.
Should the November local elections in Kosovo ultimately fail due to a combination of violence and boycotts, then the very process of normalization between Belgrade and Pristina will be compromised, without a clear ‘plan B’ for the day after.
Some may say that Serbs always prefer heroics to acting rationally in their own self-interest. But Serbs love their children too. If for no one else, voting would be good for them.
Regarding existential, zero-sum struggles it matters which side has more options.
Kosovo Serbs – north and south of the Ibar – believe that Belgrade is giving Kosovo away to the Albanians. The Albanians may see it that way too since they have been unusually cooperative in agreeing to Serbia’s demands for status-neutral forms. Both sides understand that the conflict over Kosovo […]
Belgrade’s position is that the elections must be conducted in a status neutral manner. Though the Kosovo government has said no decision has been made yet on the design of ballots, the US and EU should push Pristina to decide this issue soonest if the case for northern participation is […]
For there to be any chance for a peaceful evolution of the Kosovo stalemate two things must happen – agreements and implementation must be status-neutral, and the northern Kosovo Serbs must decide that the future of Serbs in Kosovo can be best guaranteed through such an approach. For the November elections to […]
No one can force EULEX to stay in Kosovo if the EU and Pristina agree it’s time to go. But that would simply pass the buck back again to the UN. A little coordination before doing that would be good, not least because it seems a continued international presence will […]