TransConflict is pleased to present part nine of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Ethnic cleansing and war crimes, 1991-1995″, which “aims at describing causes, features, and consequences of ethnic cleansing as a policy in Bosnia-Hercegovina during the war.”
Archive for category: Serbia
TransConflict is pleased to present part eight of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Ethnic cleansing and war crimes, 1991-1995″, which “aims at describing causes, features, and consequences of ethnic cleansing as a policy in Bosnia-Hercegovina during the war.”
Signs that local authorities, patronage figures, and citizens are cooperating to pressure central and entity governments to reconstruct mutually beneficial infrastructure could indicate—finally—a determination to build the local markets essential to eventual economic growth.
As there is no indication that any EU member will block Serbia from getting into the EU without recognizing Kosova, Kosova’s – and Washington’s – main goal should be to lead to the condition that neither contestant can get into the club unless they both do.
Concerns over accountability mechanisms within EULEX and its effectiveness raise inevitable questions as to whether an institution with such a record and structure can be effective in combating corruption and strengthening justice in Kosovo. Indeed, the establishment of the new special war crimes court is seen by some as evidence […]
TransConflict is pleased to present the fifth part of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Independence and the Fate of Minorities (1991-1992).”
With elections in Serbia slated for 16 March, for the EU parliament in May and Kosovo in autumn, northern Kosovo will be left in a dangerous limbo, without clarity about which laws apply and with the danger that the progress made in normalising relations could be reversed.
TransConflict is pleased to present the fourth part of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Independence and the Fate of Minorities (1991-1992).”
TransConflict is pleased to present the second part of a chapter of “Confronting the Yugoslav controversies – a scholars’ initiative”, entitled “Independence and the Fate of Minorities (1991-1992).”
TransConflict is pleased to announce the 2014 Summer School in Comparative Conflict Studies organised by the Centre for Comparative Conflict Studies (CFCCS) from 30 June to 7 July.
Despite the fact that the Brussels Agreement and the November election is a first step towards the bridging of differences between Kosovo on the one hand and Kosovo Serbs and Serbia on the other, the process of integration of Serbs into the Kosovan system will require time, good will on all sides […]
TransConflict is pleased to present additional reflections on Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies – its purpose, importance and approach – by two participants in the Scholars´ Initiative.
The sad history of Kosovo under autonomy should be fair enough warning to those who would reignite ethnic hostilities that have fortunately declined markedly from their peak. May they continue to do so, for the sake of both Albanians and Serbs.
A way should be found to ensure Mayor-elect, Krstimir Pantic, can take his place without further delay, whilst the Quint should make clear to Pristina that it will not allow efforts to delay or derail implementation. This new opportunity to move forward with peaceful change could yet be lost.
Reaching the point of enabling some degree of normality in the north and between local and central institutions in Kosovo and Serbia will be a significant achievement and an important step toward political stability in this part of the Balkans.
For Russia, South Stream further consolidates its energy umbilical cord to Europe; whilst for Serbia it will serve as an important bridge between East and West – one that will increase its regional negotiating power.
When the election is run again, it will hopefully take place with adequate EULEX presence and with UN as well as OSCE observation. Whatever the outcome, the EU, US and NATO should resist pressures from Pristina to simply “take over” and impose its rule in the north.
Detaching membership – for both Serbia and Kosovo – from finding an immediate solution to the Kosovo issue might help everyone move forward with a greater sense of security and an openness to cooperation.
This paper aims to assist all stakeholders to the Brussels Agreement to work effectively toward a positive outcome in northern Kosovo (as differently as this outcome may be assessed by each of them), but also to prepare for contingencies.
Some may say that Serbs always prefer heroics to acting rationally in their own self-interest. But Serbs love their children too. If for no one else, voting would be good for them.
Kosovo Serbs – north and south of the Ibar – believe that Belgrade is giving Kosovo away to the Albanians. The Albanians may see it that way too since they have been unusually cooperative in agreeing to Serbia’s demands for status-neutral forms. Both sides understand that the conflict over Kosovo […]
For there to be any chance for a peaceful evolution of the Kosovo stalemate two things must happen – agreements and implementation must be status-neutral, and the northern Kosovo Serbs must decide that the future of Serbs in Kosovo can be best guaranteed through such an approach. For the November elections to […]
No one can force EULEX to stay in Kosovo if the EU and Pristina agree it’s time to go. But that would simply pass the buck back again to the UN. A little coordination before doing that would be good, not least because it seems a continued international presence will […]
If Kosovo is ever to be the functioning state its supporters think it is, considerable attention will have to be paid to issues of power-sharing between Kosovo Serbs and Albanians, reduction in the dependency the United States and other powers place in highly corrupt individuals to ensure stability and order, […]
“Multi-ethnic democracy” is a peculiar Western myth that few in Kosovo really believe in but that the Albanians have been very clever at using to manipulate the foreigners. The northern Serbs may just decide to tough it out and resist incorporation.