TransConflict is pleased to announce that, every Friday, it will be presenting extracts from ‘Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative (Second Edition)’. Charles Ingrao,... Read More
With on-line journalism increasingly fostering a spirit of intolerance and unaccountability, more effective regulation - including the licensing of on-line journalists - needs to be considered as a potential remedy to hate speech on-line.
Whilst nationalism continues to rear its head in the former Yugoslavia, so language will continue to act as a divisive, as opposed to unifying, force.
Though Turkey - which is seeking to re-build its once flourishing Ottoman-era ties with most Balkan states - is increasingly portrayed as a reliable business partner, rather then an aggressive and neo-imperialist player, further steps are required to ease anxiety towards its policies.
Despite the ICJ ruling that Greece had breached its obligation under the 1995 Interim Accord, the dispute is back to square one, with few signs of genuine interest to find a lasting resolution.
Despite Europe’s general loss of interest in further expansion, Serbia's state of aporia keeps it riveted to the European Union; leaving the country without a road, much less a roadmap.
Faced with outstanding conflicts over sovereignty in the Western Balkans, the EU's most efficacious strategy depends upon acknowledging and leveraging its own considerable limitations as an international actor.
TransConflict has become a signatory to the Charter for the Recognition of Every Casualty of Armed Violence, which has at its core a simple principle that ‘no person should die unrecorded’.
Whilst imploring aspiring members to embrace its own system and values, the EU's selectiveimplementation of standards - depending on the case and context - means that countries of the region, particularly the Republic of Macedonia, should be cautious about accession.
Reeling European governments and the Brussels bureaucracy will become even less patient than before in dealing with a region where their serial failures to enforce their myth of civic identity and multi-ethnic integration have undermined the narrative of Europe as a united, just, effective and relevant international actor.
With incumbent prime minister, Nikola Gruevski, having secured his third consecutive election, thereby confirming his and his party's hegemony over Macedonia's politics, it is now time to contemplate how a genuine system of coexistence can be built.
A recent conference explored some of the main obstacles - deriving from both internal and external sources - that the Western Balkans faces as it integrates into Euro-Atlantic structures.
Constructing creative and useful approaches to both former Ottoman peripheries - the Balkans and the Middle East - requires shedding tattered notions of Western “leadership” and recognizing opportunities inherent in the acknowledgement of one’s own limits.
Whilst business-related initiatives continue to drive regional and cross-border cooperation, politics and implementation capacity have failed to live-up to the standards expected by the plethora of international bodies engaged in strengthening this key area.
A selection of key findings from the 2010 progress reports for Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYRoM), Kosovo (under UNSCR 1244/99), Montenegro and Serbia.
Greece’s continued violation of bilateral and international agreements with respect to Macedonia calls into question its commitment, and that of the international community, to good-neighbourly relations in the Western Balkans.
Recent developments – particularly a proposal to recognize Macedonia as the ‘Republic of Vardar Macedonia’ - have demonstrated that, contrary to the fears of some, the debt crisis will not impede Greece’s capacity for resolving regional disputes.
The economic crisis – which has eroded the EU's solidarity and diluted its appetite for further enlargement – will serve to fuel populism and undermine the resolution of outstanding conflicts in the Balkans.
Grassroots involvement in conflict transformation is key to overcoming the prejudice and mistrust that lies at the centre of many of the current problems facing the southern Balkans.
Facilitating a compromise between the respective parties to the name issue requires a better understanding of the multi-layered character of the dispute, the historically conditioned perspectives of the parties, and the main actors and their perceived interests.
Speeding-up the integration of the Western Balkans into the EU will require the creation of new momentum through greater financial investment and the deployment of individuals with significant political and diplomatic clout.
Three key decisions at the end of 2009 – visa liberalization, Serbia’s application for EU membership and the European Court of Human Rights’ ruling on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s constitution - provide significant momentum for the Western Balkans in 2010.
A Greek veto at the upcoming EU council meeting threatens to further fuel growing animosity in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
Whilst two recently published reports on reform and competitiveness demonstrate progress by several Western Balkan countries, further structural reforms are required to mitigate the impact... Read More