TransConflict is pleased to present the second-part of a three-part paper analysing ethnic electoral units in Bosnia and Herzegovina, produced by the Institute for Social and Political Research, a member of the Global Coalition for Conflict Transformation.
Post Tagged with: "Republika Srpska"
Democracy, democratic representation and constitutional logic of ethnic electoral units in Bosnia-Herzegovina
TransConflict is pleased to present the first part of a three part paper analysing the ethnic electoral units in Bosnia and Herzegovina, produced by the Institute for Social and Political Research (IDPI), a member of the Global Coalition for Conflict Transformation.
The only way Kosova can hope to manage successfully the creation of a Serb counter-government is if Washington can accomplish what it has failed to so far – to convince at least some of the five EU members who do not recognize Kosova to do so now.
The system of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina is characterized by the tension between different types of mutually reinforcing distrust, which make institutional change and the emergence of new elites more difficult than in neighboring countries.
By lifting the OHR’s remaining bans, Valentin Inzko has quietly conceded that the OHR no longer has the moral authority to dismiss people from public office or to punish them by international decree, thereby marking a profound change in the international community’s attitudes towards Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Through threats and cajolements, Dodik is proving remarkably adept
Dodik’s decision to postpone a controversial entity-wide referendum on the decisions of the international high representative will likely amount to yet another postponement of the much needed critical reexamination of the politics of the region and the political institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
An interview with Matthew Parish, the former Chief Legal Adviser to the International Supervisor of Brčko, on the current political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the challenges surrounding government formation and the Republika Srpska’s proposed referendum on the Court and Prosecutor’s Office.
The current politics of “2 against 1” reflect the failure that is Bosnia and the danger that a Dayton arrangement acceptable to none of the country’s players – except maybe for Dodik – could provoke challenges even more unexpected and indelible than those so far evident.
With VAT the biggest single source of government revenue in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Indirect Taxation Authority (ITA) will be the next target of Milorad Dodik’s agenda to weaken state institutions.
Instead of focusing on the old habit of ‘nationalism’ and ‘national interest’, Serbia needs to define its future position regionally and globally, particularly with respect to EU integration, Kosovo and Bosnia.
Though the prospect of EU candidate status spurred on some very real changes in the region in 2010 – particularly concerning regional co-operation and tackling corruption – several scandals, especially those in Kosovo, threaten to inhibit further progress.
By ignoring the manipulation of Bosniak identity, particularly by ex-president Haris Silajdzic, the international community has contributed to the destabilization of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s current institutional framework.
Learning from the experiences of Northern Ireland – particularly the North/South Ministerial Council – could help Bosnia and Herzegovina move beyond its current reform impasse.
In an exclusive interview for TransConflict, professor Bruce Hitchner, chair of the Dayton Peace Accords Project, discusses the prospects for constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina following October’s elections.
An interview with Ian Bancroft, the co-founder of TransConflict, on the recent elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role of the international community and the prospects for reform in the face of prevailing ethnic divisions.
The case of Dragomir Andan – who was, until recently, on hunger strike outside the OHR’s regional office in Banja Luka, in protest against his dismissal three years ago – demonstrates the extent to which the OHR has subverted the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina will once again be decided on the basis of divisive nationalist positioning, not future policy and prospects; ensuring that delay, deadlock and deflecting attention from the real issues will continue to characterise politics throughout the country.
An interview with Matthew Parish, the former Chief Legal Adviser to the International Supervisor of Brčko, on the politics of the Republika Srpska and the limits to international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The Canadian experience suggests that sustainable peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina can only be achieved by treating the Republika Srpska as a political player with legitimate fears and concerns.
Nine years of working in Bosnia and Herzegovina with the Soul of Europe has taught a number of important lessons about the need for a coherent and integrated framework for peace-building, including greater attentiveness towards religious and business issues.
Bosnia’s war ended with a partition plan, which the international community subsequently used all its efforts to undermine and create a unified state. Now the west’s power in the country has receded, the natural logic of the Dayton Peace Accords has reemerged, and the country is likely to break apart. This article suggests that now the international community’s best response to the imminent Bosnian fracture may be to reluctantly accept it.
The controversy generated by Operation “Joint Endeavour” in the Republika Srpska demonstrates the need for NATO to better articulate the purpose, objectives and benefits of such initiatives.
Despite an apparent consensus about Bosnia and Herzegovina’s future membership in NATO, the political dynamics of the Republika Srpska augurs both caution and reserve.
The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s failure to implement public spending reductions is jeopardizing the country’s stand-by agreement with the IMF.