Over twenty years on from the onset of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ted Lieverman explores the progress of Sarajevo's recovery - or not - from the almost four-year long siege.
The process of ethnic-nationalization witnessed in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina is incompatible with the very norms, values and conditions of European membership.
With the role of religion having remained largely ignored in post-Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina, there is a need to promote a process of secularization by upholding the separation of church and state.
The marginalization of civil society from Bosnia and Herzegovina's process of transition can, in part, be explained by the dominant ethno-nationalist agenda that has meant that civil society itself has been ethnicized and divided along ethnic lines
Almost twenty years on from the beginning of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, two Dutch journalists are travelling the country seeking answers to the question, does Bosnia and Herzegovina really exist?
Negotiations to form a state-level government in Bosnia-Herzegovina have seen the creation of two new constitutional conventions - the notion of ‘legitimate representation’ and the principle of ‘ethnic rotation’ - which will continue to exert a profound influence on the country's politics.
The unclear position of EU member states on the required modifications to Bosnia and Herzegovina's constitution has further contributed to the country's deepening political deadlock.
The system of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina is characterized by the tension between different types of mutually reinforcing distrust, which make institutional change and the emergence of new elites more difficult than in neighboring countries.
By lifting the OHR's remaining bans, Valentin Inzko has quietly conceded that the OHR no longer has the moral authority to dismiss people from public office or to punish them by international decree, thereby marking a profound change in the international community's attitudes towards Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Through threats and cajolements, Dodik is proving remarkably adept
Dodik's decision to postpone a controversial entity-wide referendum on the decisions of the international high representative will likely amount to yet another postponement of the much needed critical reexamination of the politics of the region and the political institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
An interview with Matthew Parish, the former Chief Legal Adviser to the International Supervisor of Brčko, on the current political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the challenges surrounding government formation and the Republika Srpska's proposed referendum on the Court and Prosecutor’s Office.
The current politics of “2 against 1” reflect the failure that is Bosnia and the danger that a Dayton arrangement acceptable to none of the country’s players - except maybe for Dodik - could provoke challenges even more unexpected and indelible than those so far evident.
As part of our Inside Conflict initiative, TransConflict Serbia organised a study-visit to Banja Luka for a group of American students participating in the SIT Study Abroad Programme – Peace and Conflict Studies in the Balkans.
The inability of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political system to represent Croat interests will bring the stricken country to its knees – and provide useful cover for the Bosnian Serb leader’s plans.
Settlements in Bosnia and Kosovo (the former is no more “settled” than the latter) are possible only if local contestants — who know each other so well — expel international mavens from their discussions and take each other on directly.
Rešenja u Bosni i na Kosovu (prvi slučaj nije ništa više "rešen" u odnosu na potonji) su moguća samo ukoliko lokalni suprostavljeni akteri - koji se uzajamno jako dobro poznaju - iz svojih diskusija izbace međunarodne stručnjake i direktno se upuste u diskusiju jedni sa drugima.
Critics of Richard Holbrooke and the Dayton Peace Agreement are completely wrong - it was not Dayton that ethnically divided Bosnian politics and society, but rather that Bosnia's divided society and politics resulted in Dayton.
Kritičari Ričarda Holbruka i Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma u potpunosti greše – nije Dejton ono što je etnički podelilo bosansku politiku i društvo, već su bosansko podeljeno društvo i suprostavljena politika doveli do Dejtona.
With VAT the biggest single source of government revenue in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Indirect Taxation Authority (ITA) will be the next target of Milorad Dodik's agenda to weaken state institutions.
By ignoring the manipulation of Bosniak identity, particularly by ex-president Haris Silajdzic, the international community has contributed to the destabilization of Bosnia and Herzegovina's current institutional framework.
In an exclusive interview for TransConflict, professor Bruce Hitchner, chair of the Dayton Peace Accords Project, discusses the prospects for constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina following October's elections.
An interview with Ian Bancroft, the co-founder of TransConflict, on the recent elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role of the international community and the prospects for reform in the face of prevailing ethnic divisions.
Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina will once again be decided on the basis of divisive nationalist positioning, not future policy and prospects; ensuring that delay, deadlock and deflecting attention from the real issues will continue to characterise politics throughout the country.